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Putin’s New Cabinet Offers More of the Same

After an unprecedented two-week delay following the inauguration, Vladimir Putin has announced the composition of Russia’s new government. The appointments brought few surprises. Sergei Lavrov, the veteran of Putin’s “don’t-meddle-in-our-affairs” diplomacy, keeps his job as foreign minister. Former furniture salesman Anatoly Serdyukov stays on as minister of defense. Nationalist firebrand Dmitri Rogozin, who recently wrote that Putin’s defeat, desired by “Madame Albright who wants to rule the riches of Siberia,” will mean “the loss of independence for our country,” continues as deputy premier. Igor Shuvalov, accused of conflicts of interest involving multimillion-dollar share deals, becomes the sole first deputy to Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev.

Showdown Looms as Kremlin Moves to Curb Protests

Democratic states have different ways of forming their governments: from parliamentary coalition deals to presidential nominations. They do, however, have one feature in common: appointments to the executive are, as a general rule, known to the public. On Tuesday, Russian Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev handed President Vladimir Putin the list of his Cabinet nominees. Not a single name on that list was announced. According to the official transcript of the meeting, Medvedev had decided that naming the new ministers would “ignite excessive interest.” For now, the only source of information on the future makeup of the government are anonymous leaks—such as the one in Kommersant newspaper, suggesting that the odious Vladislav Surkov, sacrificed by the Kremlin at the height of the anti-Putin protests in December, will make a comeback as the new government chief of staff.

Mass Protests at Putin Inauguration

As Vladimir Putin’s armored motorcade traveled the short distance from the Government House to the Kremlin on May 7th, downtown Moscow looked postapocalyptic, like something from a Hollywood movie. The city was deserted: not only the immediate route of the motorcade, but also the neighboring streets, central squares, and nearby metro stations were sealed off to the public. Residents along the route were forbidden to leave their apartments. Some 20,000 police and interior ministry forces occupied Moscow to protect the president-“elect” from his voters.

Restored Elections Spell New Trouble for Kremlin

The abolition of gubernatorial elections by Vladimir Putin in 2004 was widely seen as the final act in dismantling Russia’s short-lived democratic system. Their restoration in 2012 must be viewed as the most important achievement of the “Snow Revolution”—a series of pro-democracy protests that swept the country between December and March. In September 2009, President Dmitri Medvedev promised that direct elections for regional governors will not return “in a hundred years.” In May 2011, he shortened the time span to “10 or 15 years.” On December 22, 2011—twelve days after the first 100,000-strong anti-government rally in Moscow—Medvedev announced the reinstatement of elections. The law, signed this Wednesday, will take effect on June 1st. Any gubernatorial vacancies occurring after that will have to be filled via the October 14th vote.

With Time Almost Up, Medvedev Issues First Political Pardon

After being criticized for attending a February meeting with President Dmitri Medvedev, Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov responded that if just one political prisoner was freed as a result of their conversation, he would consider his decision justified. At that meeting, Nemtsov handed Medvedev a list of 37 political prisoners whose release—along with free elections and the registration of opposition parties—was demanded at the mass opposition rallies that have swept Russia since December.

Russia’s ‘Public’ TV, Putin-Style

As the Kremlin reluctantly implements reform measures promised in response to December’s pro-democracy protests, it tries its hardest to limit them with various conditions. The new law on political parties that gives legal status to opposition groups has been signed—but electoral coalitions are prohibited, so that the anti-Putin vote may be split between dozens of parties. Direct elections for regional governors will be reinstated—but candidates will have to secure the support of local legislators (which, outside of the big cities, almost invariably means Vladimir Putin’s United Russia party and its satellites) before they can face the voters. 

Russia's Life and Death Election Standoff

As of the time of this publication, Oleg Shein, a Russian opposition leader and the likely winner of the recent mayoral election in Astrakhan, is entering the 28th day of a hunger strike. According to press reports, he has lost 10 kilos (22 pounds) and is suffering from rapid heartbeat; his skin is the color of a parchment. “He does not have much time,” warned Elizaveta Glinka, a doctor and philanthropist who visited Shein in Astrakhan. “He may die in the next few days—if not from exhaustion, then from a heart attack.” Several activists who are on a hunger strike with Shein are in a similar condition. “Everyone decides for himself,” Shein blogged earlier this week. “The highest value for me is the freedom of my country.”

Locking Down Loyalty in Putin's Russia

As time runs out on the Kremlin’s power to appoint regional governors—the reinstatement of direct elections was a key concession won by pro-democracy protesters in December—the regime is rushing to install its last loyalists. The law on gubernatorial elections is expected to be signed in early May. Reneging on the promise is no longer an option; as political analyst Yevgeny Minchenko suggests, “If the introduction of elections is postponed, 100,000 [people] will once again be on Sakharov Avenue”—the site of the largest anti-Putin protest in December. Despite opposition demands for a moratorium on appointments, the Kremlin is moving to fill the vacancies before new rules come into force.

Local Elections Could Reshape Russia

After a decade of authoritarian stagnation, three months of pro-democracy protests brought politics back to Russia. Nowhere is this seen more vividly than in the municipalities, which have become an arena of vigorous competition. Although administrative pressure and fraud continue to mark Russian elections, a resurgent civil society and serious monitoring efforts by independent groups have offered at least a measure of counterbalance. The results are evident.

Pro-Kremlin Think Tank Sees End of the Road for Putin

The Center for Strategic Research (CSR) is no friend to Russia’s opposition. Founded by Vladimir Putin’s associates to write the agenda for his first presidency in 2000, the center has always been loyal to the Kremlin. Its supervisory board is chaired by Putin’s deputy premier, Dmitri Kozak. Yet it was the CSR that in March 2011, when pro-democracy protests in Russia were nine months away and seemed inconceivable, warned of an “accelerating delegitimization of the Russian authorities, and the population’s growing mistrust toward … President Dmitri Medvedev, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, and United Russia Party.” At the time, many experts laughed. Today, they are listening.

With ‘Election’ Over, Putin Faces a Changed Country

The three-month “Moscow Spring”—a series of large, pro-democracy protests, from the first opposition gathering on Chistye Prudi on December 5th, to the latest anti-Putin rally on Novyi Arbat on March 10th—has changed Russia beyond recognition. Although Vladimir Putin was, as expected, declared the “winner” of the March 4th presidential election, the principal traits of his 12-year rule: invincibility, impunity (for the regime), and indifference (on the part of society), have been wiped out. His unchallenged rule is over. The tacit deal—economic prosperity in exchange for political freedom—that much of Russian society accepted a dozen years ago is off. The country’s educated and increasingly affluent urban middle class, which was the driving force behind the recent protests, is demanding a political voice.

Muscovites Go to the Streets as Putin Declares ‘Victory’

MOSCOW — An uninformed tourist who happened to be in Moscow in the past three days could be forgiven for thinking that the Russian capital is under a military siege. Thousands of special police forces, interior ministry troops, the elite Dzerzhinsky Division, as well as Chechen police units, were brought to central Moscow to protect Vladimir Putin’s fraudulent “victory.”

In Sunday’s Vote, It’s Putin vs. Russia

On Monday, Polish composer Krzysztof Penderecki was at the Bolshoi Theatre in Moscow, attending a performance of Rodion Shchedrin’s opera Dead Souls. As the performance was getting underway, spectators noticed Penderecki in the box and started booing. The legendary musician was bewildered, not understanding the reason for such hostility. Only later was it explained to him that the audience mistook him for Vladimir Churov, the chairman of Russia’s Central Electoral Commission—to whom he indeed bears an uncanny resemblance.

Kremlin Talks to Opposition as It Readies ‘Victory’

For years, Vladimir Putin’s regime had only two approaches to its opponents: pretend they do not exist, or portray them as foreign agents. After tens of thousands of Russians answered the opposition’s call and went to the streets to demand free elections, neither option was any longer workable. On Monday—for the first time ever—Putin’s lieutenant, outgoing President Dmitri Medvedev, called opposition leaders for a meeting. The leaders of “non-registered” parties, including Boris Nemtsov of the Popular Freedom Party, Vladimir Ryzhkov of the Republican Party, and Sergei Udaltsov of the United Labor Front, were invited to Gorki, the presidential retreat near Moscow, to discuss the implementation of reforms promised after the December protests.

Kremlin Moves to Silence Independent Radio

Ekho Moskvy is Russia’s oldest independent radio station. In the 21 years for which it has been broadcasting, it was shut down only once: in August 1991, on the order of the leaders of the short-lived Communist coup d’état (to this day, Ekho journalists consider it a badge of honor). In 2001, during Vladimir Putin’s assault on businessman Vladimir Gusinsky’s media empire, which saw its flagship NTV channel seized by the state-run energy giant Gazprom, the majority stake in Ekho Moskvy was also transferred to the company, but the station maintained its independent editorial line. Opposition leaders, barred from national television, continued to be welcome guests in its studios; its news programs routinely covered stories that irritated the Kremlin.

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